The most famous of the late Ottoman sultans: Who is Abdulhamid II?

When Abdulhamid II came to the throne, the Ottoman Empire was in a great depression. Financial distress had reached an unbearable level.

By Jane Dickens Published on 28 Mart 2023 : 22:47.
The most famous of the late Ottoman sultans: Who is Abdulhamid II?

(1842-1918) Ottoman sultan. In a depressed period, he pursued stabilizing policies against the West and Islamist policies against the East. He strengthened the absolutist administration in the country and made regulations in the fields of education and administration. He was born on September 21, 1842. His father, Sultan Abdülmecid (1839-1861); His mother was Tîr-i Müjgan Kadınefendi. He ascended the throne on 31 August 1876. After a reign of nearly 33 years, he was deposed on April 27, 1909. He spent the rest of his life first in Thessaloniki and then in Beylerbeyi Palace. He died on February 10, 1918. When Abdulhamid II came to the throne, the Ottoman Empire was in a great depression. Financial distress had reached an unbearable level. Apart from the domestic debts, whose accounts are unknown to anyone, the annual principal and interest payments of the foreign debts taken between 1854 and 1874 exceeded half of the ordinary income of the state.

The external pressure on the Ottoman Empire had reached dangerous levels. Europe was in turmoil since Prussia defeated France and achieved German unity (1871), and was in search of a new balance of power. In this environment of uncertainty, the contradictory pressures and influences arising from different European capitals fueled conflicts between Ottoman statesmen, on the one hand, and on the other hand, created a favorable situation for the development of nationalist-separatist movements in the Balkans.

In the Ottoman capital, on the other hand, complete turmoil reigned. A clear political decision-making mechanism that did not depend on individuals and that operated according to predetermined principles and procedures could not be established.

The decision to postpone the foreign debt payments in October 1875 was met with a great reaction in Europe. It started to be talked about that the Ottoman Empire could no longer be "saved" and therefore should be shared. Bulgarians, Serbs, and Croats intensified their struggle against the state. On the other hand, in the big cities, the Muslim population started mass demonstrations against the Europeans. On May 13, 1876, the great powers informed the Ottoman Empire that they would intervene if the security of life and property of Christian subjects and Europeans was not ensured.

This situation facilitated the work of Midhat Pasha and his friends, who had been considering overthrowing the sultan for a while. Abdulaziz was deposed on 30 May and committed suicide five days later. His replacement, V Murad, was horrified by the rapidly unfolding events. In July, Serbia and Montenegro declared war on the Ottoman Empire at the instigation of Russia. When the horror of the sultan turned into a nervous breakdown that prevented the conduct of state affairs, he was deposed and the sultanate of Abdulhamid II was proclaimed on 31 August 1876.

Abdulhamid, who came to work in such difficult conditions, was a person who knew how to win and reconcile people. These features helped reduce the panic atmosphere in the capital. A short time later, the Ottoman armies began to advance toward Belgrade, defeating the Serbs and Montenegrins. Thereupon, Russia demanded that the operation be stopped immediately with an ultimatum given to the Ottoman Empire. Other major European states supported Russia and decided to meet in Istanbul to discuss the situation in the Balkans. Their intention was to try to compromise by reviewing the Middle East policies mutually in light of the changing balance of power in Europe.

On April 24, 1877, the Ottoman-Russian war broke out. The Ottomans, who were not helped by anyone, were defeated in a war that lasted for exactly ten months. Upon the advance of the Russians as far as Yeşilköy, the other states emerged with the desire to jointly determine the terms of peace. Meanwhile, England, creating a de facto situation, occupied Cyprus (June 1878). Peace negotiations were held in Berlin (July 1878). Although limited by Russia's cauldron, Austria-Hungary's invasion of Bosnia and Herzegovina was envisioned. It was understood that France would not be silent about the seizure of Tunisia at a suitable opportunity. (France created this opportunity in 1881.)

Abdulhamid began to establish an information center in the palace to closely monitor diplomatic developments and monopolize the management of foreign policy. The foreign powers were so active in the Ottoman Empire that the sultan's taking the foreign affairs into his own hands constituted one of the main sources of his domestic power. Another source of the sultan's power and authority was the Ottoman state tradition, and the new constitutional order limited this tradition very little.

As a result of intensive studies, the 1876 Constitution emerged. The most distinctive feature of the constitution was the breadth of the powers it granted to the sultan. Although the working principles of the administrative organization were determined, the independence of the judicial organs and basic human rights were guaranteed. But within this general framework, the 1876 Constitution again showed the sultan as the sole source of sovereignty.

This situation was not the work of Abdulhamid. An alliance that emerged as a result of discussions between Ottoman statesmen and intellectuals was a framework of reconciliation. As a matter of fact, when Abdülhamid deported Midhat Pasha, who is considered the main architect of the constitution, before the shift to a police regime had begun, by invoking the famous Article 113, he did not face a serious reaction. no response was given.

Abdulhamid believed that society was not yet mature enough for such an experiment. However, it was also evident that the authoritarianism of Ottoman-Turkish state tradition, in which the Ottoman statesmen were not ready for the people to interfere in politics, and the feature of seeing the state as a management-direction mechanism above and outside the society, still persisted. For the same reason, the authoritarian and personal administration that Abdülhamid had started to establish in 1878 easily took hold and could maintain its functionality for a long time.

Abdulhamid's personal administration was directed towards certain goals. Foremost among these were a foreign policy based on friendly relations and impartiality with neighboring states, a fiscal policy aimed at increasing the production and tax potential of the country with the development of the economic infrastructure, and aiming to bring the state into a respectable position by clearing foreign debts as soon as possible within the framework of a certain program.

Abdulhamid thought that the Ottoman Empire needed time and therefore peace in order to recover. He believed that even if it ended in victory, wars would be a great burden for countries like the Ottoman Empire. For this reason, he considered it a necessity to get along with all neighbors, especially Russia and Greece, which seemed to be the most dangerous. During his reign, a solid friendship was established with Russia. However, despite all the efforts of Abdulhamid, peace with Greece could not be maintained. It was fought against the Greeks who attacked in 1897. The Ottoman armies landed near Athens in a month and won a quick victory. But as a result of the intervention of foreign states, the Ottoman Empire had to settle for a small compensation.

Abdulhamid believed that the greatest danger to the existence of the Ottoman Empire emanated from England. In the 1876-1878 crisis, England left the Ottomans alone in the face of Russia, despite various promises it made, and moreover, it bargained recklessly with other states at the expense of the Ottomans. Apart from seizing Cyprus, it had also invaded Egypt in 1882, which was the way Britain was so sure of the influence it had on Ottoman statesmen during the Tanzimat Period. According to Abdulhamid, if this effect was not broken, England would both initiate the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and turn it into a colony as it did in India.

Abdulhamid was determined to fight against England. He had begun to establish good relations with Russia; On the other hand, he approached Germany. He also tried not to attract the reaction of France. With the support of these powers and by following a careful balance policy based on fine calculations, he eliminated the dependence of the Ottoman Empire on England to some extent.

In 1881, the famous Düyun-ı Umumiye Administration was established. Düyun-ı Umumiye was a kind of company that represented the creditors. He collected certain state revenues shown in return for debts and distributed them to creditors. In the first agreement made with the Düyun-ı Umumiye, the thought in Abdulhamid's mind was to ensure the financial prestige of the state and to get rid of the heavy debt burden, which is a door of foreign pressure, as soon as possible. Indeed, the Ottoman Empire's credit in the European markets improved in a short time. But Düyun-ı Umumiye, not the state, benefited from the increase in the value of debt securities due to the mistakes in the agreement.

Another feature of Abdülhamid's period was that there was a great economic depression all over the world in the years 1878-1900. The biggest effect of the crisis in the Ottoman country was the great decrease in the price and competitiveness of a significant part of export products in the world markets. While other countries protected themselves to some extent by raising their import customs barriers, the Ottomans could not do this either because of the capitulations. Investments stopped, agricultural production fell, and the collection of agricultural taxes, which constitute the majority of state revenues, was disrupted.

A precaution Abdulhamid had been considering from the very beginning, in the face of the danger of partitioning the country, was to give priority to Muslim subjects, whom the state considered the most natural social support. He worked regularly to make use of the limited resources at hand in this direction. The most experienced rulers were sent to the predominantly Muslim provinces, especially in Anatolia and Syria; infrastructure and education investments were primarily directed to these areas.

To consolidate the support of the Muslim element, Abdulhamid also used the sects. Sects, which have long been one of the basic units of social organization in Islamic countries, showed a great revival between 1880-1908. The main leaders of these gathered in Istanbul, and various opportunities were given to them. The sects, which surrounded the whole country like a net, became an effective communication and propaganda organization in the hands of Abdulhamid.

Abdulhamid, who was prepared that the Christian-majority areas would eventually get out of hand, did not treat Christians in such a moderate manner towards the Christians in the Muslim-majority regions. Particularly in Eastern Anatolia, he constantly followed the developments against the separatist attempts and attitudes of the Armenian organizations and supported the local elements who were in favor of the state, either covertly or openly.

On the other hand, despite the importance he gave to religion, Abdulhamid did not provide state support for madrasah education. On the contrary, he paved the way for the madrasah buildings, which could not function with their own income, to be destroyed and turned into schools providing education in a new way. Abdulhamid also opposed religious bigotry and, meanwhile, religious views that went against his own. It is for such reasons that many pious clergies, far from supporting Abdulhamid, joined the opposition against him.

The strongest opposition to Abdülhamid was formed among the students and graduates of the schools that were opened and developed to train qualified specialists and civil servants. They began to question the way the country was governed.

By 1900, the contradictions of the Abdülhamid period had deepened. The fruits of economic measures were beginning to be reaped, but those who benefited the most were the creditors of the state, namely the Westerners and their business partners. The financial power of the state was under mortgage, and the resources of the country were under the control of foreigners. The gentry team, which was backed during the reign of Abdülhamid and had land and money in their hands, wanted to have a larger share in the established wheel, therefore, they were listening to the voice of the opposition more and more.

At this time, the Young Turks, who were fighting against Abdülhamid in Europe, began to be more influential with the publications they produced and secretly introduced into the country. In the country, efforts to establish a secret society among young civil servants and especially officers intensified. The most influential of the associations was the Committee of Union and Progress. Opposition to Abdülhamid took the character of a military uprising in June 1908. The movement that started between the troops in Monastir and Thessaloniki tended to grow rapidly. As the only way to stop the uprising without causing a civil war, Abdülhamid declared on 23 July 1908 that he had re-enacted all the articles of the Constitution.

The proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy was met with great joy in all the important cities of the country, especially in Istanbul, and even in smaller settlements. Obviously, at least the urban part of the society, or the middle classes, now claimed the constitutional order.

In fact, since the Constitution was not amended, the sultan still remained the source of sovereignty in 1908. Abdulhamid was applauded for the second time after 1876 as a sultan who bestowed good rights on his subjects. But the situation was not the same. The Committee of Union and Progress, which was based primarily on young officers and bureaucrats, was a tangible counterbalance to the sultan and the old pashas.

However, the society, which did not have a definite political program, preferred to deepen its influence in the army and state organization by remaining the power behind the scenes. On the other hand, he took control of the Parliament by resorting to every means to ensure that the parliamentary elections were concluded as he wanted.

Abdulhamid II was deposed on April 27, 1909. He was exiled to Thessaloniki. After being detained there for three and a half years, he was transferred to Beylerbeyi Palace during the Balkan War. From there he watched the collapse of the state in World War I. He died here on February 10, 1918, towards the end of the war.

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